The Palestinian Crisis and Identity Politics : Discourse in Historical & Cultural Studies

By : Darlis Aziz, S.I.Kom

Politik Identitas (Political Identity) menjadi motif pembentukan negara Israel dan konflik berkepanjangan di kawasan Palestina. Politik identitas merupakan bagian dari politik budaya yang terdiri dari ras, agama, etnis dan budaya. Brainstormer mencoba mengidentifikasi Politik Identitas sebagai konsep atau gerakan politik yang fokus dalam keanekaragaman. Argumen dalam diskusi ini adalah Israel telah berhasil memanfaatkan narasi identitas budayanya untuk menyatukan persepsi Yahudi di seluruh dunia untuk mereproduksi sebagai pembenaran sejarah serta alat politik demi perwujudan dari cita-cita nasional dalam membangun negara bangsa sendiri.

Politik identitas merupakan sebuah wacana politik tentang kehidupan sehari-hari yang kategori utamanya adalah perbedaan, didalamnya terjadi permainan dan pergulatan identitas-identitas perbedaan. Jalan analisis Foucault, seperti aktor-aktor poststrukturalis kemudian postmodern lainnya menjadi suatu gerakan kritik terhadap apa saja melalui dekonstruksi, perbedaan dan wacana-wacana kecil (Abdillah, 2003). Oleh sebab itu saya ingin menyebut bahwa wacana postmodernisme dalam bahasan ini secara tidak langsung memposisikan diri sebagai kritik terhadap wacana besar modernitas, khususnya kedalam politik modern.

Dalam pendekatan teori persepsi disebutkan bahwa Persepsi adalah pandangan seseorang yang telah melalui tahapan melihat, merasa, memikirkan dan diolah oleh pengalaman dan teori yang diyakini. Hasil persepsi ini akan berpengaruh terhadap pembuatan keputusan sekaligus bentuk prilaku kelompok tersebut secara keseluruhan. Menurut Robbin (2008) "Perception can have a huge impact on decision-making and on an organization's behavior in whole".  Persepsi-persepsi tersebut kadangkala memudarkan kenyataan dan salah penafsiran sehingga sering kali menjurus kepada konflik brutal. Ketika disandingkan dengan realitas memang begitulah yang terjadi.

Nasionalisme Radikal yang berkecambah di paruh kedua abad ke-19 itulah yang menjadi akar munculnya berbagai konflik di Eropa, yang puncaknya adalah Perang Dunia Pertama dan Kedua, dan berbagai gerakan Anti-Semitisme seperti pada Dreyfus Affair di Paris yang kemudian membelah Prancis dari 1894 hingga 1906, dan munculnya pemimpin Anti-Semit di Vienna, Karl Lueger pada 1895, hingga kasus pembantaian (holocaust) Kaum Yahudi, yang puncaknya pada era Hitler (1933-1945). Dalam manifestonya, Hitler bahkan menganggap ideologi Kapitalisme sebagai bagian dari konspirasi Yahudi. Walaupun secara keamanan kaum Yahudi di Eropa mengalami ancaman eksistensial, tapi fenomena itu juga dapat dibaca secara sosiologis sebagai kegagalan asimilasi sosial kaum Yahudi dengan masyarakat Kristen Eropa.

Ide mendirikan sebuah negara mandiri bagi orang Yahudi adalah ide Organisasi Zionis yang didirikan oleh seorang jurnalis Yahudi asal Austro-Hungaria, Theodor Herzl (1860-1904). Ide ini merupakan respons terhadap ancaman eksistensial yang dihadapi kaum Yahudi di Eropa bersamaan dengan bangkitnya gerakan-gerakan Nasionalis Radikal, yang menjadikan Anti-Semitisme sebagai salah satu pergerakan Political Identity.

Keputusan Yahudi mendirikan negara Israel di tanah Palestina, menimbulkan konflik berkepanjangan. Oleh sebab itulah saya menyebutkan ada potensi negatif yang tercipta ketika kelompok masyarakat berjuang atas nama identitasnya. Pemisahan diri dalam rangka membentuk negara merdeka sendiri dengan menarasikan berdasarkan ikatan identitas yang lebih spesifik seperti, budaya, agama dan etnis tertentu adalah keinginan paling mendasar manusia, tuntutan untuk memperolah pengakuan (desire for recognition).

Awalnya Kaum Zionis punya 4 pilihan negara tempat mereka menampung Kaum Yahudi dari berbagai belahan dunia; Palestina, Argentina, Uganda, dan Mozambik. Tapi kemudian mereka memilih Palestina karena justifikasinya secara keagamaan lebih mudah dilakukan. Dan, itu juga sekaligus memudahkan proses mobilisasi global Kaum Yahudi untuk berimigrasi ke Palestina dengan menggunakan mantra “tanah yang dijanjikan”. Termasuk di antaranya memobilisasi para donatur untuk membiayai mobilisasi imigrasi besar-besaran itu. Kelak kita mengetahui bahwa salah satu donatur utama mobilisasi imigrasi itu adalah keluarga Rothchild, pemilik jaringan perbankan terbesar di dunia.

Ide negara Israel tersebut akhirnya dideklarasikan secara resmi oleh Arthur Balfour (2 Nov 1917) Menteri Luar Negeri Inggris, melalui surat yang ia kirim kepada konglomerat sekaligus Ketua Komunitas Yahudi Inggris, Rothchild. Dalam surat yang berisi dukungan penuh terhadap aspirasi Zionis itu, Balfour antara lain mengatakan, "His Majesty's government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use the best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object…"

Deklarasi itu dilakukan di tengah kecamuk Perang Dunia Pertama yang berlansung dari 28 Juli 1914 hingga 11 November 1918, di mana Inggris, Prancis, dan Rusia (Alliance) berhadapan dengan Jerman, Austro-Hungaria (Central Power). Dengan meluasnya medan tempur, Italia, Jepang, dan Amerika Serikat akhirnya ikut bergabung dengan Sekutu, sementara Ottoman dan Bulgaria bergabung dengan Central Power. Seperti yang kita ketahui, perang itu akhirnya dimenangkan oleh Sekutu. Tapi karena Tsar Rusia terjungkal dalam Revolusi Bolshevik yang berlangsung dari 8 Maret 1917 hingga 7 November 1917, praktis Inggris dan Prancis yang kemudian muncul sebagai kekuatan baru dunia.

Perang selalu begitu dalam sejarah, selalu menjadi alat paling efektif untuk mengubah peta dan jalannya sejarah secara keseluruhan. Setidaknya ada 4 imperium yang lenyap dari peta dunia setelah Perang Dunia Pertama itu, Imperium Jerman, Imperium Austro-Hungaria, Imperium Tsar Rusia, dan Imperium Ottoman. Dan, tentu saja peta baru dibuat oleh sang pemenang. Dan, itulah awal dari semua perubahan peta geopolitik di Dunia Islam.

Jika perang adalah alat paling efektif untuk mengubah peta geografi dan politik, maka migrasi adalah alat paling efektif untuk mengubah komposisi demografi penciptaan identitas budaya dan politik baru. Akibat migrasi itu, warga Yahudi di Palestina berkembang dari 3% dari total 460.000 orang pada 1882 menjadi 31,5% dari total 2.065.000 penduduk Palestina pada 1948, dan menguasai sekitar 78% lahan.

Begitulah cerita Negara Israel dimulai; warga Yahudi sudah memenuhi wilayah Palestina sebelum Negara Israel berdiri pada 1948. Pada mulanya adalah konflik penguasaan lahan yang tidak disadari oleh warga Palestina hingga Intifada Pertama pada 1921, Demonstrasi Besar Al Quds pada 1933, danRevolusi Palestina antara 1936 hingga 1939. Di bawah pendudukan Inggris dan operasi militer milisi Zionis semua perlawanan itu gagal. Puncaknya adalah perang pada 1948 di mana gabungan Pasukan Pembebasan Arab di bawah Liga Arab takluk. Negara Israel langsung dideklarasikan pada 1948 itu juga, dan segera diakui sebagai anggota PBB pada 1949.

Resolusi PBB nomor 181/1947 sebelumnya, yang tertuang dalam apa yang disebut Palestine Partition Plan, telah membagi Palestina ke dalam 3 zona. Satu zona dikuasai pemerintahan Israel, satu zona dikuasai pemerintahan Palestina, dan satu lagi merupakan zona bersama, yaitu Al Quds atau Yerusalem. Setelah perang 1948, Israel menguasai wilayah Barat Al Quds, sementara wilayah Timur dikuasai Jordania. Tapi wilayah Timur Al Quds itu kemudian dicaplok lagi oleh Israel pada 1967.

Bagi kaum Yahudi Zionis, 70 tahun waktu yang terbentang antara 1947 hingga 2017 adalah penundaan mimpi Israel Raya akibat kepengecutan para pemimpin Amerika Serikat dan Eropa. Itu adalah kesia-siaan. Sebab mimpi Israel Raya, yang digagas Theodor Herzl dan kemudian dikenang sebagai Bapak Negara Israel, tidak sempurna tanpa Al Quds. Dan. keberanian Trump-lah yang mengakhiri kesia-siaan itu 6 Desember 2017 lalu. Inilah yang mereka sebut sebagai Deal of The Century. Inilah perayaan pesta sejarah baru Kaum Yahudi, dimulai dari Deklarasi Balfour 2 November 1917, disempurnakan oleh Deklarasi Trump 6 Desember 2017 yang lalu.

By: Unknown On 12:46 PM

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NATIONALISM DISCOURSE OF IDENTITY POLITICS IN ACEH 

Zulfiadi Ahmad Husein
(PhD Student Political Science University of Gazi)

 The discussion about the topic below will analyze the discourses of nationalism that continues to evolve in the course of political history of contemporary Aceh. Aceh for being part of the Republic of Indonesia political to be degraded that refract Indonesian nationalism in the minds of the Acehnese. Reconstruction of Aceh's identity and then transformed into a new ethnically-based of nationalism. The objectives of this study is to look at the reconstruction of Aceh's identity that integrate with Indonesia's overall identity within the framework of the establishment of Nationalism. This is related to the dynamics of Acehnese identity related to negotiations between ethnic nationalism that was given by the “nature” with civic nationalism that was constructed by Indonesian State.

 Identity is a symbol to identify a community. Identity then restricted community with the concept of self and others. The existence of those communities must begin by maintaining its identity by way of reconstructing the differences between communities. Then nationalism formed based on the collective consciousness that arises from a number of communities to unite. Then how a community positioned itself between civic nationalism and ethnic nationalism.

Aceh's identity tries to integrate with the national identity to form Nationalism. The identity of is the basis the Acehnese to defend itself from any threat, even though the State. Nationalism in Aceh faded when the State fails to be present in the process of forming civic nationalism in Aceh since Old Order regime, New Order regime until the Reformation era. So that the hegemony of ethnic nationalism intensified in Aceh and destructive nationalism civic construction. The resistance against Indonesian nationalists disappointed then expanded so destructive nationalism that had been built previously by the strong, and ultimately become a threat to Indonesian nationalism itself. Aceh's independence, as a new social imaginary, the more crystallized and hegemonic political discourse in Aceh as a result of interpretation of ethnic nationalism. Ultimately the hegemonic discourse of ethnic nationalism also marked the dissolution of discourse the civic nationalism of Indonesian in the minds of the Acehnese.

  Tema di atas memfokuskan pada kajian wacana nasionalisme yang berkembang dalam perjalanan sejarah politik Aceh. Wacana nasionalisme yang sejatinya hanya sentralistik di level nasional kemudian bergeser pada level lokal, pergeseran hegemonik wacana nasionalisme ini terjadi akibat dari kondisi sosial politik yang berkembang secara tidak menentu di Aceh. Lalu pergeseran wacana ini menjadi masalah baru pada tingkat nasional karena mengganggu keutuhan negara. Nasionalisme kemudian dinilai mendasari perlawanan bersenjata di Aceh. Jika diselami lebih jauh, pewacanaan ini sebenarnya adalah suatu keniscayaan karena sebagai suatu imagined community, nasionalisme memiliki dinamika tersendiri.

Kealpaan Pemerintah dalam memahami bekerjanya imajinasi kolektif yang disebut sebagai nasionalisme tersebut justru berpotensi memperumit keadaan di berbagai wilayah di Indonesia. Nasionalisme mempunyai makna beragam dan pemaknaan tersebut dimanfaatkan menurut sudut pandang dan kepentingan masing-masing pengusungnya. Apalagi dengan adanya mobilisasi sentimen nasionalistik yang telah mendasari perlawanan terhadap kolonialis ataupun struktur yang mapan. Hanya saja yang menjadikan nasionalisme tersebut memiliki signifikansi politik adalah karena watak ideologis yang melekat dalam imajinasi kolektif tersebut.

Diskusi tentang tema tersebut nantinya akan menjelaskan landasan kuat tentang bagaimana identitas berkembang dan menjadi faktor utama dari terbangunnya sebuah imajinasi tentang komunitas baru. Penelitian nasionalisme berdasarkan sudut pandang politik akan memetakan wacana nasionalisme di Aceh, kemudian akan berusaha menjelaskan arena dinamika lokalitas yang bersifat otonom dan gejolak-gejolak internal etnisitas akan sangat menarik untuk dilihat, terlebih lagi karena pergerakan-pergerakan pada tingkat lokalitas bisa jadi bersumber dari dalam atau mungkin juga sebagai pengaruh penyebaran ide-ide dari pusat. Perkembangan internalisasi nasionalisme ini yang kemudian menghasilkan tumbuhnya chauvinism orang Aceh terhadap dirinya, dan menutup diri dari keberadaan Indonesia.

Di Indonesia, politik identitas lebih terkait dengan masalah etnisitas, agama, ideologi, dan kepentingan-kepentingan lokal yang diwakili pada umumnya oleh para elit dengan artikulasinya masing-masing. Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) dapat dipandang sebagai salah satu wujud dari reaksi kegelisahan politik identitas itu atas ketidaksetaraan politik sentralistis Jakarta. Isu-isu tentang keadilan dan pembangunan daerah menjadi sangat sentral dalam wacana politik, dan sangat sensitif jika bersinggungan dengan politik identitas. Dalam hal ini, identitas mampu merusak nasionalisme itu sendiri sekaligus juga mampu membangkitkan etnonasionalisme yang menjadi dasar perlawanan baru terhadap negara.

Identitas menjadi instrumen penting yang membentuk sebuah rasa bersama yang hadir untuk melepaskan diri dari kolonialisasi. Di Aceh, identitas menjadi hal yang paling dipertahankan oleh masyarakatnya. Identitas pula yang membangkitkan semangat nasionalisme untuk melawan kolonialisasi. Dalam sejarahnya, persoalan keinginan bersatu dan berpisah adalah hal yang sangat biasa. Masyarakat Aceh bisa bersatu dengan kelompok manapun, namun identitas yang mengakar secara kuat oleh keyakinan beragama tidak dapat diganggu oleh siapapun yang kemudian menjadi hal paling prinsipil yang tidak boleh diganggu oleh siapapun. Jiwa nasionalisme masyarakat Aceh yang menjadi bagian dari Indonesia merupakan satu nafas dalam perjuangan mereka, walaupun pada akhirnya “kegagalan” nasionalisasi itu sendiri yang menjadi dasar perlawanan mereka terhadap keberadaan Indonesia.

By: Unknown On 10:12 PM

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The “People’s Science”:  Contextualising Public Health Policy to Curb Epidemic Diseases

By: Mathew Ncube

It is generally very rare for people these days to discuss or be willing to listen to anyone talking about the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Probably because it has become a notorious “gospel” that we “know” too well. Interestingly a researcher, Heald (2002) recalls in the early1990s seeing a billboard with the message: “Avoiding AIDS is as easy as A..B..C (Abstain, be Faithful and Condomise).” Yet one may ask: if it so easy to avoid HIV/AIDS why are we still battling with an epidemic that was discovered as early as the 1980s in some countries, for example 1985 in Botswana? Each year statistics are released concerning this subject and one is tempted to vehemently dismiss any simplicity to the subject. It is undeniable that much has been invested and done in research and medical intervention to curtail the effects of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. For example no one can deny the great impact of Anti-Retroviral drugs (ARVs) in saving many lives across the world.

The aim of my discussion is NOT to engage with the HIV/AIDS statistics, but is to lead a discussion into understanding the dilemma of public intervention strategies that heavily rely on the biomedical approach and disregard the “people’s science”. Scientific research is very important and that is undeniable, we probably all go to doctors when we fall ill. The focus of the discussion is on how interpretation of official (biomedical) messages at the local level can affect reception (or otherwise) of the intended messages and hence the people’s health-seeking behaviour. The interpretations at the local level pertain to how messages about a disease are defined and redefined in prevailing cultural idioms of ordinary people (Heald 2002:1). It is Heald’s conviction that anthropological approaches are needed to contextualise alternative discourses of HIV (Heald, 2002:1). As future leaders or policy makers, I believe it is beneficial for us to engage in these issues from an anthropological perspective especially given that we are sometimes very eager “to go out there and save the world.”

I have just taken HIV/AIDS as a case study, and I use research conducted in South Africa but I encourage you to read widely even about other diseases as well including e-bola and TB. I have provided below a list of the main sources I would use for my discussion. Participants are strongly encouraged to read widely on this subject.

Recommended references:

Ashforth, A & Nattrass, N. 2006. The Quest for Healing in South Africa’s Age of AIDS. Centre for Social Science Research AIDS and Society Research Unit. Working Paper No. 155.

Dickinson, D. 2014. Chapters 1 and 2 of: A different kind of AIDS: folk and lay theories in South African Townships. Johannesburg: Fanele.

Heald, S. 2002. It’s never easy as ABC: Understandings of AIDS in Botswana. African Journal of AIDS Research. 1: 1-10.

Jonny Steinberg. 2008. Three Letter Plague: A young man’s journey through a great epidemic. Cape Town: Jonathan Ball.

By: Unknown On 5:10 PM

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Does Our Language Shape the Way We Think?

Leen Gharaibeh
(University of Jordan –Erasmus Student in Hacettepe University-)

From her Article that was based on her research; Lera Borodistky starts with:

“Humans communicate with one another using a dazzling array of languages, each differing from the next in innumerable ways. Do the languages we speak shape the way we see the world, the way we think, and the way we live our lives? Do people who speak different languages think differently simply because they speak different languages? Does learning new languages change the way you think? Do polyglots think differently when speaking different languages?”

Here are some findings on how language can affect thinking (Article from the Wall Street Journal):

1.      Russian speakers, who have more words for light and dark blues, are better able to visually discriminate shades of blue.

2.      Some indigenous tribes say north, south, east and west, rather than left and right, and as a consequence have great spatial orientation.

3.      In one study, Spanish and Japanese speakers couldn't remember the agents of accidental events as adeptly as English speakers could. Why? Japanese and Spanish language speakers would likely say "the vase broke" or "the vase was broken" when talking about an accident.

4.      The Piraha, whose language eschews number words in favor of terms like few and many, are not able to keep track of exact quantities.

- Culture and expressions: can you translate the expressions you use to sound just like how it is?

Safyah Almutairi commented : in my experience, I think that our responds are affected by the cultural background of the language we use for example, when someone tells me some good news about him/her, my respond to it in Arabic would be "masha'a Allah" meaning "god's will" or " mabrook" meaning "congratulations". on the other hand, my response in English is something like " that's great news", "good for you", "let's throw a party". so, I have adopted the culture of the English language although i am not a native speaker of English and my response in Arabic was also controlled by the conservative and religious background of the Arabic society and its culture. The English respond might have suggested a social gathering or a party to express happiness where the Arabic version of the same response suggested praise to god for allowing this news to happen, that's what the Arabic response implies in meaning. 

- I should tell a funny Arabic story, remind me to!

❝If you talk to a man in a language he understands, that goes to his head. If you talk to him in his own language, that goes to his heart.❞ ‒Nelson Mandela-

By: Unknown On 1:57 PM

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Impact of Globalization on African Cultures

By: Abdoulie Sawo

Many scholars, opinion leaders and political analysts have expressed divergent and dissenting views on globalization. It could be seen as a process of an increase in interaction among the world’s countries and peoples facilitated by progressive technological changes, political and military power, knowledge and skills, as well as interfacing of Cultural values, systems and practices. It encourages interaction among nations by breaking down barriers in the areas of culture, commerce, communication and several other fields. Simply, it is a term used to describe the changes in societies and the world economy that result from dramatically increased international trade and cultural exchange.

The history of globalization in Africa could be linked to slave trade, the scramble and partitioning of Africa and the structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) in 1984. This was when Africa was numbered into different states by European power: Britain, France, Italy among others. While demarcating the continent-the map-they took little or no account of the numerous traditional African societies that existed on the ground. Consequently, it cut through hundreds of cultural groups which enclosed hundreds of diverse and independent groups with no common history, culture, language, or religion. The era of slave trade, colonialism and the SAPs of 1980s led to the relative stagnation and decline of traditional cultural pursuits in Africa. African ways of doing things became primitive, archaic and regrettably unacceptable in public domain. These distorted and retarded the pace and tempo of cultural growth and trend of civilization in Africa.  

Africa is the world’s second-largest and second most-populous continent, after Asia. It is bigger than US, India and China and most of Europe combined. Africa is endowed with immense natural and human resources, as well as great cultural, ecological and economic diversity. In terms of natural resources, Africa is the world’s richest continent. These are what western media silenced about Africa.

There is no single culture that can be selected and defined as an African culture. Africa consists of various and numerous different cultures within the same country and beyond. Culture can be conceived as the way of life of the members of a society, the collection of ideas and habits which they learn, share and transmit from generation to generation. The globalization trend has eaten so deep into African cultures and tradition vehicles serious threat to the survival of various Africa’s rich and diverse culture and people heritage. Globalization could be blame for the extinction and dilution of African cultures, entrenching of poverty –widening the gap between the rich and the poor.

The Impact of Globalization on African cultures has both positive and negative impacts. Positively, it opens people’s lives to other cultures which allow the flow of ideas and values. It eases communication- global village- among countries and peoples. Negatively, it has diluted several African cultures. As a result of the cultural domination from outside, several languages and cultural practices are rapidly losing their taste.  

In conclusion one can state that globalization, as a double-edged sword, has impacted both positively and negatively on the African cultures. However, the later carries more weight. 

By: Unknown On 7:57 PM

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MUSLIM IDENTITY IN EUROPE
By: Mughzi Abdillah

There is strong pressure today on Muslims living in European countries. The wave of immigration which started after the Second World War brought number of Muslims refuges to west European countries.  Some of them face the difficulty of regular practice of Islamic rules, the trouble of being part of minority often labeled as foreign, different, if not Barbarian, fundamentalist, and fanatic. Even if they try to hold on this permanent pressure, the situation influences their thoughts and actions; suggests their consciousness in order to protect themselves from non-Islamic environment and finally determine their identity in contrast with western culture.  On the other hand, alternatively some of them forget their origin and religion or try to erase their identity to fuse themselves in society and thus become one of theirs.

In both cases, we have one notice that Muslims do not define their Islamic identity by their selves, from inside. It is true not only for those who has an extremist attitude, but also great majority of Muslims who has difficulties in merely saying who are we. Why should it be so? Is there any inherent difficulty in defining Muslims vis-à-vis Western civilization? Is this the result of modern or European context? Each of this assumption carries part of truth.

Before being means of protection, however, Islam is an affirmative Faith which carries within itself a global understanding of creation, life, death and humanity (Tariq Ramadan; 2010).  This understanding should be basic of Islamic rule of thinking and behavior. In order to understand the Islamic identity, firstly, we must know the global vision of Islamic faith and the consequences of diverse field of human life. Moreover, we have to understand exactly the essential principle of Islamic rules and make them understandable in the light of context within European society. This is the way to contextualize Islamic teaching in European context.

Todays, the increasingly accessibility of the media, including satellite television, the internet and others, contribute to fragmentation of the traditional structure of religious authority. They serve as a vehicle to diffuse the concepts of individual and society, freedom and morality. On the other hand, many of the emerging of new voices and leaders of movement emerging in public sphere of the contemporary of Muslim world claim to interpret or inspired by basic religious text and idea. Unfortunately, many of them protect themselves from the loss of their loss tradition, interpret religious text textually and legitimate their thought as an absolute truth. In the manner of media, this religious argument and practice fostered the emergence of public sphere, and it has taken place in some countries.  

Mass media plays an important role in contributing to fragmentation of the public opinion. Some cases related to violence correlating with the name of Islam, such as September 11 attacks, Charlie Hebdo shooting, and Terror in Paris, have had a tremendous effect on people’s view of Islam in Europe and given rise to the negative perception which are so widespread. Moreover, the reporting of mass media on the crisis, violence and killings in Middle East assumed as the image of Islamic countries has engendered a climate of fear. “Islamophobia” emerged in public sphere as the European society’s fear of Islamic movement.  They assumed Islam as a terrify religion, so most of them presumed that the presence of Muslims immigrant to their countries is the potential threat to their culture, social and political live. Therefor, todays, European Muslims have a double burden both to seek their identity and to solve Islamophobia issue.  

By: Unknown On 7:19 PM

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The Efforts to Limit Power; 
A General Election as the Instrument for Development of Democracy in Modern  Country
Syafri Hariansah
(Student of Ankara University)

General View of the Present Research

There are two problems that need to be studied academically namely the issue of democracy and general elections. Theoretically, it is understood that the general election is a direct instrument used in democratic countries. Democracy can be seen as a concept in a country where any decision-making involves its people, "a government of the people, by the people, for the people".[1] To put it simple way, democracy can be regarded as a political system in a particular country.[2]

In the context of modern state development, democracy is expected to be the right choice in governance process. In his book, Robert A. Dahl argues that “democracy provides opportunities for effective participation; equality in voting; gaining enlightened understanding; exercising final control over the agenda; inclusion of adults".[3] If the opinion of Robert is further analyzed, it can be understood that democracy indeed allows open space for public participation. People are given equal opportunities in governance and have the same political rights i.e. the right to vote and to be elected.

Democracy was born from a great movement involving people (people power), or in other words, democracy is identical to the movement of resistance against the dictatorial government. For example, more than a decade ago, more precisely in 1998 there was a massive reform movement in Indonesia demanding President Suharto retreated from his position.[4] Recently, the a movement made by the public and pro-democracy activists in Hong Kong demanding to have full democracy practice can be seen as another example of the movement.[5]

More over, democracy can also be born as a form of leaders’ maturity, for example in Turkey[6] where the leaders make fundamental changes in the organization of presidential elections.[7] Even before the presidential election in Turkey took place, the Prime Minister (PM), Recep Tayyip Erdogan, said that Turkey should become a modern country and be ready to leave long tradition in the state and Erdogan also stated his intention to change the constitution and make the President as the executive since in the past President of Turkey was only a ceremonial figure.[8]

According to the statistical figures published by the democracy index in 2014, there are 24 countries that implement full democracy and 52 countries are flawed democracy.[9] It shows that democracy is the general trend of governing countries. Theoretically, it should be thought that there is no ideal system of government processes in the world. It means that democracy is not the best (stable) government system in the universe.

By having further analysis, democracy does not entirely give positive impacts on the state administration. From the negative side, democracy tends to build tyranny of the majority over the minority and the disintegration of society.[10] Moreover, Aristotle sees democracy as a form of a setback in the government system or in other words, democracy is a bad system.

Basically, the modern state must be supported by a modern constitution. In general, the constitution contains the vision and purpose of the state as well as proposes basic principles and rules which govern the life of the nation, state, and society[11]. However, in the context of the necessity of the modern state administration, the constitution at least should contain rules about the system to fulfill positions both in the executive as well as in legislative level.

It is undeniable that democracy and general election are a need for the implementation of the modern state in accordance with current needs. The above mentioned facts become the evidence that people have a very strong role in the transformation of their country towards the modern state, or in other words, sovereignty is the forerunner of the birth of the democratic system. This testimonial is in line with statement proposed by Harold J Laski:[12]

"The modern state is a sovereign state. It is, therefore, independent in the face of other communities. It may infuse its will towards them with a substance the which need not be affected by the will of any external power. It is, moreover, internally supreme over the territory that it controls"

Based on this opinion, it can be concluded that the modern state is a country that has sovereignty. It means that, almost all countries in the world have sovereignty but if it is associated with the development of the country in the 20th century, it will be different. The opinion of the people's sovereignty by Roessau can be a major indicator of the modern state system; Roessau said that general election should take place as an effort to accommodate the wishes of the people in every policy decision.

Ramlan Surbakti, in his book, argues that the general election is a mechanism of selection and assignment or transfer of sovereignty to the person or party that is trusted[13]. In addition, Harris G Warrant says that elections are the occasions when citizens choose their Officials and Decide, what they want the government to do. These decisions and citizens determine what rights they want to have and keep[14]. By referring to the two above-mentioned opinions, general election can be simply understood as a system or method of leadership filtration by promoting democratic principles in the process of leadership transition.

In Indonesia, the direct election is held to elect the President and Vice-President (namely PILPRES) ¹⁵, member of the Legislative ("PILEG)[15] and Governors, Regents and Mayors (PILKADA).[16] The election is held by election management bodies consisting of Elections Commission (KPU), Election Supervisory Body (BAWASLU) and the Honour Council of Election Commission (DKPP).

Implementation of the election itself has a positive role. Election is positioned as a filtration system and circulation of power, both in the executive and legislative, bringing future leaders with constituents, and then the election is the most democratic way in determining which leaders who gain legitimacy based on the people’s vote. In addition, the election is designed as a limitation of power in a state. However, in one side, election causes transactional politics, black campaign, even leads to conflict at the grassroots.

From the results of the evaluation conducted by the Elections Supervisory Board in 2014, there were 7,250 violations at the time of legislative elections, with the details of the criminal offense as much as 186 election cases, 38 violations of the code of ethics, and the 7296 electoral administrative violations.[17]

The two things above would lead to a paradox of rationality that rises to the surface of democracy and the holding of the election itself. On one side, democracy and general election can be an important indicator of the modern state, however, on the other side, democracy causes instability in society.

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[1]  Harris G Warren, Our Democracy at Work, Englewood Cliffs, (USA: Printice P.l, Inc, 1963),p.2.

[2] Henry B Mayo, An Introduction to Democratic Theory, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1960), p. 38.

[3] Robert A. Dahl, On Democracy. (USA; Yale University Press, 1998), p.38.

[4] Theoretically, Indonesia (in Soeharto’s regime) had applied democratic system. The concept is then called as procedural democracy. The people power action in 1998 was a form of action to force the implementation of full democracy in Indonesia.

[5] Chusnan Maghribi, Suara Merdeka, Demokrasi di Hongkong, 30 September 2014, can be accessed in http://berita.suaramerdeka.com/smcetak/demokrasi-di-hong-kong/

[6] Republic of Turkey had been proclaimed by Grand Council on 29^th October 1923 by making Mustafa Kemal Ataturk as the first President and Ismet Inonu Pasha as Vice President. Then, in 1937, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk made secularism as national ideology, so the government separated religion and government processes. By using his authority, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk made some constitution to replace Islamic law in Turkey. As cited in Reksa Fiaji Tamara, Analisis Kemenangan Adalet Ve Kalkinma Partisi (Akp) Dalam Pemilu Turki 2011, Journal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, 2013.

[7] The first general election in Turkey took place on 10^th August 2014. There were three candidates namely Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, an academic and the former chairperson of OKI Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, and a young kurdi politician Selahattin Demirtas. The first general election in Turkey was held by using absolute majority principle that was the President was the one who gained absolute majority or 50%+1 and if it failed so the election would have had two round systems. The concept can be seen in Syafri Hariansah, Pengisian jabatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden; studi 8 Negara, (Yogyakarta : AG publisher, 2014). See also Voice of America, Turkey Runs the First President Election 10 August 2014 (can be accessed on http://www.voaindonesia.com/content/turki-lakukan-pemilihan-presiden-langsung-pertama/2408665.html)

[8] Turkey made changes in electing president mechanism. Along the history (91 years), the President in Turkey was elected by parliament but in 2014, Turkey changed the tradition by direct vote as the highest authority. Ibid, see on Republika online, erdogan ucapkan selamat tinggal, 10 Agustus 2014, can be accessed in  http://www.republika.co.id/berita/internasional/timur-tengah/14/08/10/na3efs-erdogan-ucapkan-selamat-tinggal

[9] see democracy index by country tahun 2014, compare to democracy ranking. It can be accessed diakses pada tanggal 21 April 2015,  dapat diakses dalam http://democracyranking.org/

[10] Robert A. Dahl, Perip. Demokrasi, Menjelajahi Teori dan Praktek Demokrasi Secara Singkat, (Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia, 2001), p..63.

[11] Bambang Widjojanto, Reformasi Konstitusi: Perspektif Kekuasaan Kehakiman, Jurnal Kementrian Hukum dan Hak Asasi Manusia Republik Indonesia, 14 July 2010.

[12] Harold J. Laski (1967) A Grammar of Politics, (London: Allen & Unwin), as cited in Mark Beeson, Sovereignty Under Siege: Globalisation and the State in Southeast Asia,p.2. Paper for ‘Running on Empty? Politics, Markets and Southeast Asian Regionalism Southeast Asia’, 17-18 January, Southeast Asia Research Centre, 2002, Hong Kong. A revised version will appear in Third World Quarterly

[13] Ramlan Surbakti, Memahami Ilmu Politik, (Jakarta : Gramedia Widya Pustaka Utama,1992),p.181.

[14] Direct election for President took place in Indonesia in 2004. The election is held every five years. See Syafri Hariansah, Pengisian Jabatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden studi perbandingan dengan 8 negara, op.cit., p. 50.

[15] Legislative election in Indonesia is run to elect members of the House of Representatives and the Regional Representatives Council, Legislative election is held for 5 years.

[16] Election governors, regents, and mayors are held to elect the governor in each province, the Regent and the Mayor of the District and City region in the entire territory of the Republic of Indonesia.

[17] Data of legislative elections in 2014, accessed on February 10, 2015, can be downloaded in http://www.rumahpemilu.org/in/read/5900/Bawaslu-Terjadi-7520-Pelanggaran-di-Pileg-2014

By: Unknown On 1:48 PM

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